138 Accidence [§§ 290-2 nimiþ are indicative forms. *nemontðd (cp. Gr. Doric ψίρ<5η·ω) = prim. Germanic *nemanđ5 + particle -u, which regularly became nimanđáu in Gothic. § 290. Infinitive: The inf. was originally a nomen actionis, formed by means of various suffixes in the Indg. languages. The suffix -ono-, to which was added the nom. ace. neuter ending -m, became generalized in prim. Germanic, thus the original form of nlman was *nem-onom, the -onom of which regularly became -an in Goth. OE. OS. and OHG., and -a in O.Icel. § 291. Pres. Participle: In the parent language the stem of the pres. participle ended in -nt, as in Lat. ferent-, Gr. φέροη··, Indg. *bh6ront- = Goth, baíranđ-s, O.I eel. OS. beranđ-i, OE. berend-e, OHG. berant-i, bearing. See § 239. t§292. Pret. Indicative: The pret. indie, is morphologically an old perfect, which already in prim. Germanic was chiefly used to express the past tense. The prim. Germanic forms were: Sing. *nama(cp. Gr. otSo, Skr. vēđa. I know), *namþa (cp. Gr. οΐσθα, Skr. vettha), *nami (cp. Gr. otSe, Skr. veda). -tha, the original ending of the second pers., would regularly have become-þ(§ ISO) in Goth. O.Icel. OE. and OS., except after prim. Germanic s, f, χ where it regularly became -t (§ 128 notes, and cp. § 138), as Goth, last, thou didst gather; þarft, thou needest; slōht, thou diđsi slay. This -t became generalized in prim. Germanic, as Goth. O.Icel. namt. But in the West Germanic languages the old ending was only preserved in the preterite-present verbs, as Goth. O.Icel. þarft, OE. þearft, OS. tharft, OHG. darft, Ihou needest, but Goth. O.Icel. namt beside OE. nōme, OS. OHG. nāmi. Dual *næm-wi (older -we), *næm-điz (older -thes, -tes); PL *næm-mi (older -me), *næm-đi (older -te), *næm-un (older -nt with vocalic n). During the prim. Germanic period the u of the third pers. pi. was levelled out into all forms of the | |||